Call for paper: International Conference: The Paris Peace Conference of 1919 and the Challenge of a New World Order

International Conference to be held in Paris, 5-8 June 2019

Under the aegis of the Institut historique allemand (IHA)/Deutsches Historisches Institut Paris (DHIP), LABEX EHNE, Commission d’histoire des relations internationales/Commission for the History of International Relations

The Peace Conference held in Paris in the aftermath of the Great War remains among the most important yet also most controversial events in modern history. Although it is often considered to have made a second global war all but inevitable, it has also been praised for providing the basis for an enduring peace that was squandered recklessly by poor international leadership during the 1930s.

A major international conference will take place in Paris in June 2019 to commemorate the centenary of the 1919 Conference from a global perspective. The purpose of this event is to re-examine the history of the Peace Conference through a thematic focus on the different approaches to order in world politics in the aftermath of the First World War. A remarkably wide range of actors in Paris – from political leaders, soldiers and diplomats to colonial nationalist envoys and trade unionists, economists, women’s associations and ordinary citizens – produced a wide array of proposals for a future international and, indeed, global order. These proposals were often based on vastly different understandings of world politics. They went beyond the articulation of specific national security interests to make claims about the construction and maintenance of peace and the need for new norms and new institutions to achieve this aim. To what extent the treaties and their subsequent implementation represented a coherent order remains a question of debate.

By ‘order’, we mean in the first instance, the articulation and development of systematic ideas, institutions and practices aimed at promoting a durable peace that would deliver security, economic recovery and social justice. This distinguishes thinking about ‘order’ from discussions of ‘national interests’ – though there was of course overlap between these two modes of thinking about future international relations. Second, we are interested in ‘order’ as an analytical concept in its own right. This encourages historians to identify, as Paul Schroeder has urged, the shared rules, assumptions, and understandings about a particular set of political relations and to show how specific decisions reflect the norms of the order.

Emphasising the preoccupation of peace-makers with the problem of world order broadens the scope of the familiar questions and debates that have dominated the literature on the Peace Conference. It also opens the way for posing new questions and for thinking about more familiar questions in new ways. We therefore invite papers addressing the following questions:

1) What were the different conceptions of political, economic and social order advocated at the Paris Conference? What was the relationship between different ideas about the international order, such as a system based on national self-determination and one based on the rule of law? Were there broad overarching conceptions of an international order, such as liberal or socialist internationalism, that could accommodate more narrowly focused ideas such as free trade or labour rights? How did people conceive of the relationships between self-interest and order? What role did power politics play in conceptions of international order? Were the absentees from Paris – notably the Germans and the Bolsheviks – able to shape the debate about the emerging international order?

2) What were the origins of these different ideas about order? Why was there such an interest in the systematic development of particular orders both during and after the war? Who produced ideas about order, and why? What was in particular the role of NGOs and ordinary citizens? Can an approach based on different ‘generations’ of international actors illuminate this problem in new ways? Was the idea of ‘order’ a reaction to international politics before and during the war? Or did it represent a continuity with certain strands of thinking about international politics that pre-dated the outbreak of war in 1914? What was the relationship between the articulation of war aims and ideas about post-war order?

3) To what extent did contending visions of an international order shape the peace treaties? Did the organization and proceedings of the Conference reflect tensions between the national, the regional and the global? What was the role of regional orders in shaping broader conceptions of a new world order? To what extent did discourses concerning new regional orders reflect fundamental changes in the conceptualization of world politics? To what extent were they a repackaging of the more familiar themes of empire or spheres of influence?

4) How were the peace treaties legitimated to domestic and international audiences? Were subsequent negotiations on the implementation and revision of the peace treaties shaped by the profound debates about international politics that took place before and during the Peace Conference? Were conceptions of international order systematically subordinated to concerns about national security? Conversely, to what extent can it be argued that the Paris Peace Conference produced or contributed to a disorder in European politics that led ultimately to the Second World War?

5) What was the impact of the Paris Peace Conference on views of world order based on gender, class and race? How did women, workers and colonial subjects respond to the peace conference and what was its impact on the emergence of alternative voices in international affairs? Whose voices were heard at Paris in 1919 and whose remained silent or were silenced?

6) What political and diplomatic practices were implied in these various conceptions of international order? To what extent did these practices shape the course of international relations after 1919? Did the intellectual debate and political experience of the Paris Peace Conference play a role in shaping a future generation of leaders (such as Jean Monnet and John Foster Dulles)?

Paper proposals
The Conference organizers aim to ensure the conference provides a global perspective on the Paris Peace Conference. We are therefore particularly keen to receive proposals from scholars working on topics pertaining to the non-western world. The organisers anticipate securing limited financial resources to support delegates’ participation in the conference.

The conference languages will be English and French
Regardless of language, all proposals will receive serious consideration.

The deadline for paper proposals is: 1 June 2018
Please send your proposal (abstract in English or French of no more than 500 words) and short CV to:
Axel Dröber: ADroeber@dhi-paris.fr.

Download the call for paper: CfP Paris Peace Conference ENG
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Call for paper: To build the alliance The implementation of France’s commitment in Central and Eastern Europe in the interwar period, 1917-1939

Organisation:
– Matthieu Boisdron, Doctorant Sorbonne Université Sirice / Chargé d’enseignement Université de Nantes
– Gwendal Piégais, Doctorant Université de Bretagne occidentale, Brest

Deadline: 2 novembre 2018

Contact: construirelalliance@gmail.com

Dates: 9-12 octobre 2019

Place: CEREFREA / Villa Noël – Bucarest, Roumanie

While the fate of war remains uncertain on the battlefields of the Great War, many French political and military decision-makers already have ambitious plans for post-war France, particularly in the East. Whether in the framework of the Franco-Russian alliance, its support for the Serbian kingdom or the attentive ear to  independence demands within the Double-Monarchy, France intends to project its diplomatic, military and economic influence in Central and Eastern Europe, and reap the rewards in the event of victory. These ambitions are fulfilled first and foremost by political and military missions. One thinks of Albert Thomas’s mission with the Russian Provisional Government, then with the Berthelot mission in Romania, with the French military missions in Poland or with the young Czechoslovak army. The first bridges between France and the new states of central Europe are thus built very early.

Parallel to these reflections, as early as August 14th 1920, Czechoslovakia, the Kingdom of Serbs, Croats, and Slovenes (SHS) and Romania promised each other armed assistance in case of aggression from Hungary. The two failed attempts to restore the former Emperor Charles in Budapest in March and October 1921 prompted the three countries to strengthen their ties. Several bilateral agreements are thus concluded: between Romania and Czechoslovakia on April 23rd 1921, between Romania and the SHS Kingdom on June 7th, 1921, finally between Czechoslovakia and the SHS Kingdom on August 31st, 1922. Nonetheless, this dynamic of mutual aid is relative, because the alliance is openly and exclusively against Hungarian and, to a lesser extent, Bulgarian revisionism. Therefore, the SHS Kingdom is not protected against Italian claims and Romania cannot count on any help against the Soviet Union, which still actively claims Bessarabia. Finally, the Little Entente is weakened by the absence of Warsaw, who maintains good relations with Budapest and a heavy dispute with Prague over the territory of Teschen (Cieszyn). These states are all beneficiaries of the status quo post bellum. However, due to their severe differences, these new regional powers had an interest in associating themselves with the major continental military power that was France in order to prevent the revisionist powers from questioning the regulation of the peace.

After the Bolshevik Revolution of 1917, France can no longer count on the Russian ally of the first hours of the Great War. It is therefore seeking to establish an effective alliance in Eastern Europe in order to guarantee its security in the event of a German recovery. After some hesitation, especially concerning the policy to be followed with regard to Hungary in particular and the Danubian zone in general, it accompanies the movement initiated by the Little Entente and thus contributes to the development of diplomatic, economic, and strong military ties with the new powers that emerged in the wake of the peace treaties. Already linked to Poland since February 19, 1921, France joined forces with Czechoslovakia on January 25, 1924. By the Locarno Accords of October 16th 1925, Germany recognizes its western borders. On the other hand, with regard to its eastern borders, it only agrees to sign an arbitration treaty with Poland and Czechoslovakia. This situation prompts France to become more involved. A military alliance between Paris and Prague was signed on October 16th 1925, the very day of the signing of the Locarno Treaties. On June 10th, 1926 France initialed a similar protocol with Romania before doing the same with the SHS Kingdom on November 11th 1927.

Nevertheless, the alliances concluded between France, the States of Little Entente, and Poland are of very general scope and concretely inefficient. In this context marked by an undeniable reluctance to write tangible commitments in stone, how did the leaders of these countries seek to implement these diplomatic agreements? Though this theme has already been the subject of a vast literature during the past decades, the issue has been examined mainly in terms of bilateral relations between Western European countries and one or the other regional player, or in terms of the diplomatic dilemmas that powers like France or Great Britain could be facing. The political transition of the late 1980s and the prospect of enlargement of the European Union in the early 2000s strongly contributed to a renewal of these issues in the early 1990s. Since then, interest in this moment in European history has declined somewhat. The commemorations announced around the centenary of the end of the Great War offer the opportunity to reinvest this field of study, especially as a new generation of European researchers, multilingual has to explore and confront many kinds of national archives corpus and to analyse decision-making at the intermediate levels of the State hierarchy.

The aim of this conference is to shed light on joint initiatives between France and all the partner countries of Central Europe during the inter-war period, as it is their combination that forms a system of alliances. Proposals for papers should therefore focus on:

  • The crossed or transnational logics at work in the constitution of this system of alliances;
  • The military aspects of this system of alliances: armies’ joint maneuvers and the elaboration of common tactical schemes; officer training via military schools; personnel exchanges; interactions between staffs; doctrinal circulation and reception; circulation of military publications; the role of national languages and the French language as vectors of communication;
  • The political and diplomatic aspects of this alliance system: the development of joint strategic plans, the exchange of information and intelligence;
  • The industrial and financial aspects of this alliance system: the sale or loan of equipment, the terms of their financing, the formation of joint ventures or the acquisition of participations;
  • The technical aspects of this alliance system: the development of expertise in decision-making, the regulatory, normative and institutional reconfiguration of young states after the 1920s;
  • The role of actors and networks as animators of this system of alliance: diplomats, military, industrial and financial, experts and intellectuals, political parties …;
  • The “alliance culture” that countries of central Europe and France reciprocally seek to build in their public opinions;
  • The memories of the alliance maintained during the Cold War and as part of the construction of the European political project.

France’s collaboration with the member states of the Little Entente (Czechoslovakia, Romania, Kingdom of the Serbs, Croats, and Slovenes) — and of these powers amongst themselves — will be emphasized, but communications on the ties with the other Allied Powers or partners from the region (Poland, the Baltic States and Finland, Greece, Turkey), and even with the revisionist powers (Soviet Russia, Hungary, Bulgaria) are welcome.

Proposals, one page long, are to be sent with a one-page academic CV in PDF format, before 2 November 2018, to construirelalliance@gmail.com. Languages of the contributions: French and English. All practical information is available on the conference website: https://construirelalliance.wordpress.com

Conference organization will cover transport costs up to a fixed limit to be determined; the remaining balance can be covered by the participant’s home laboratory or university.

Accommodation will be provided as well as part of the catering (lunches and dinner).

Download the call for paper: colloque_bucarest_oct-2019
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(Français) Professeur invité : Yaman Kouli

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Yaman Kouli a fait des études d’histoire, d’histoire économique et de droit dans les universités de Bielefeld (Allemagne), de Paris VII-Denis Diderot et de Poznań (Pologne). Pendant ces cinq années, il a également appris le polonais à l’Institut national des Langues et Civilisations Orientales (INALCO). Après avoir terminé ses études, il a commencé une thèse de doctorat sur le développement industriel de la Basse-Silésie (1936-1956) – une région polono-allemande – et les effets économiques de l’expulsion de la population allemande sur le niveau de production.

En 2011, il est devenu assistant de recherche du Prof. Rudolf Boch à l’Institut d’histoire européenne de l’université polytechnique de Chemnitz puis a reçu en 2012 une fellowship du Centre scientifique des sciences sociales (Berlin) où il s’est consacré à l’analyse de « l’économie du savoir » et à la question de la nécessité d’une mobilité croissante des entreprises et des travailleurs dans l’économie moderne.

Le projet auquel Yaman Kouli veut se consacrer pendant son séjour au sein du LabEx « Écrire une nouvelle histoire de l’Europe » et de l’UMR SIRICE traite de l’intégration économique en Europe avant la Grande Guerre. Tandis que la plupart des sociologues considèrent l’intégration européenne comme un phénomène dont les racines remontent aux années 1950, un grand nombre d’historiens s’accordent pour estimer qu’elle a en réalité commencé pendant le dernier tiers du long XIXe siècle, à un moment où se manifestent simultanément l’Etat-Nation, la première vague de la mondialisation, l’internationalisme et le début de l’intégration européenne moderne. C’est aussi l’époque où s’amplifie la coopération internationale au niveau des techniques et où se développent les réseaux parmi les scientifiques, les intellectuels et plus largement la bourgeoisie. Or s’il est relativement facile d’analyser chacun de ces phénomènes considéré de façon isolée, il est beaucoup plus compliqué de déchiffrer les relations observables entre ces quatre développements.

Jusqu’à récemment, la coopération européenne a été considérée comme une partie de l’internationalisme. Dans son projet, M Kouli teste l’hypothèse selon laquelle ce processus a été une stratégie devant servir à l’établissement de règles communes qui sont in fine devenues obligatoires au niveau international. En raison de la croissance du commerce international, la concurrence est devenue plus forte. La dépendance au marché mondial a intensifié la concurrence des prix dans les pays participant à la mondialisation de l’économie. Les entreprises ont donc été forcées de réagir et d’élaborer une stratégie. Elles ont pu soit essayer de produire à moindre coût, soit trouver à développer des produits innovants. Cependant, la croissance de l’économie du savoir a accru le risque de vol des innovations. Dans ce contexte, alors que les entreprises devaient décider ou non de prendre le risque d’investir dans les innovations et le capital humain, les accords européens garantissant un environnement stable ont permis de sortir de ce dilemme.

Ces accords ont joué deux rôles. Premièrement, ils ont mis en place des standards européens ainsi que des règles économiques stables. Ils ont réduit le risque d’une économie dans laquelle chaque entreprise fait tout afin de produire moins cher que l’autre, quelles que soient la qualité des produits et les conditions de travail. Sur cette base, les entreprises ont pu investir dans le « capital humain » et dans la recherche et le développement afin de se lancer dans des innovations fondées sur le savoir. Deuxièmement, ils ont joué un rôle dans les relations avec le monde non-européen. Par l’établissement de règles communes dans un monde qui était en train de se mondialiser, ils ont servi à éviter une concurrence des prix trop intensive.

La deuxième partie du projet se concentre sur l’intégration européenne économique de 1900 à nos jours. On sait que le marché mondial avant 1914 était dominé par l’Europe et les États-Unis et la croissance du commerce mondial est bien documentée. Cependant, la littérature existante n’a pas permis d’analyser le cas de pays spécifiques. Par conséquence, un but de ce projet consiste à développer une méthode permettant de mesurer l’intégration économique de l’Europe. De cette manière, il sera possible de comparer les niveaux de l’intégration économique européenne avant la Grande Guerre et après la Deuxième Guerre mondiale. Un tel indice pourrait enrichir la discussion sur le développement de l’intégration européenne.

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(Français) AsileuropeXIX: un programme de recherches pour une histoire de l’exile et de l’asile en Europe

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L’Europe du XIXe siècle voit l’institutionnalisation de l’exil comme forme de mobilisation. L’augmentation du nombre d’opposants chassés de leur pays pour des motifs politiques a induit de profondes transformations des politiques migratoires adoptées en Grande-Bretagne, en France, en Belgique, en Suisse, dans le Piémont-Sardaigne et en Espagne, principaux pays concernés par l’asile politique entre le congrès de Vienne et les années 1870.
Porté par Delphine Diaz, chercheuse du LabEx EHNE, le programme AsileuropeXIX s’emploie à reconstituer le lexique utilisé pour qualifier les exilés et réfugiés, prêtant attention aux catégories ainsi élaborées. Un second pan de nos recherches collectives concernant l’accueil qui leur était réservé porte sur les contrôles des exilés aux frontières, étudiés à partir de sources administratives et policières et d’archives personnelles. L’analyse des dispositifs d’accueil, qui est menée à la fois par le haut et par le bas met en évidence les points de comparaison entre les six pays d’asile étudiés. Le programme AsileuropeXIX s’intéresse enfin au contrôle migratoire a posteriori des migrations politiques, qui s’appuyait sur les mesures d’expulsion mais aussi sur les incitations au départ vers les colonies européennes.
​Une plateforme numérique vient d’être lancée en partenariat avec Huma-Num: https://asileurope.huma-num.fr/
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(Français) Dénoncer la corruption. Chevaliers blancs, pamphlétaires et promoteurs de la transparence à l’époque contemporaine

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Cesare Mattina, Frédéric Monier, Olivier Dard, Jens Ivo Engels (dir), Dénoncer la corruption. Chevaliers blancs, pamphlétaires et promoteurs de la transparence à l’époque contemporaine, Demopolis, Paris, 2018.

 

La vie politique de nombreux pays est marquée, depuis les années 1980, par la récurrence des scandales de corruption et des affaires politico-financières, (more…)

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(Français) L’application Pop’Europe est en ligne !

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Grâce au soutien de la région Île-de-France, de la Ville de Paris, du LabEx EHNE et le concours de la société Nosytech, la Maison de l’Europe lance l’application Pop’Europe, un jeu de questions pour apprendre le fonctionnement de l’Union européenne, l’histoire, la culture et les valeurs des pays européens.

En savoir plus : ici

En téléchargement sur Applestore et Google play

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Call for papers: The EHNE Encyclopedia is looking for new authors

The EHNE Encyclopedia is looking for new authors:

The Encyclopedia for a New History of Europe is looking for new authors to enrich the entries of its various thematic subjects:

  • Europe as material civilization
  • Europe within a political epistemology
  • European humanism
  • Europe, Europeans, and the world
  • The Europe of wars and the traces of war
  • A gendered history of Europe
  • National traditions, circulations, and identities in European art

The short entries (7,000 characters) should be intended for a general public and offer a new reflection on European history. They will be translated into English (and into German in the mid-term), and could also be used for pedagogical and academic purposes in connection with our different partnerships (Maisons de l’Europe, Toute l’Europe, Laboratoire d’Innovation Pédagogique sur l’Europe).

We invite you to contribute to this project by drafting an entry on one of the following subjects:

Research focus 1 – Europe as material civilization

For the thematic group “Tourism in Europe,” the entry:

  • “Touristic mobilities and destinations in Eastern Europe”

Contact: labexehne1@gmail.com

Research focus 2 – Europe within a political epistemology

For the thematic series “Political models for making Europe,” the entries:

  • “Radical lefts in Europe”
  • “Europeanism and internationalism”

For the thematic group “Europe and conflict management” the entry:

  • Europe, UNO and conflict management

Contact: labex.ehne2@gmail.com

Research focus 3 – European humanism

For the thematic group “The humanists and Europe – Myths and realities of Renaissance Europe,” the entry:

  • “Princely patronage in Renaissance Europe”

For the thematic group “The parallel spaces of Renaissance Europe,” the entry:

  • “Utopia in Renaissance Europe (from Thomas More to Campanella)”

For the thematic group “Projects for a united Europe,” the entry:

  • “The United States of Europe”

Contact: humanisme.ehne@gmail.com

Research focus 4 – Europe, Europeans, and the world

For the thematic group “Europe and the legal regulation of international relations,” the entries:

  • “Unequal treaties with China”
  • “The European Court of Human Rights”

For the thematic group “Europe and the Atlantic slave trade,” the entry:

  • “Europeans and the abolition of the (African) slave trade”

Contact: labexehne4@univ-nantes.fr

Research focus 5 – The Europe of war and the traces of war

For the thematic group “Violence of war,” the entry:

  • Torture as an instrument of war

Pour l’ensemble thématique “Victors and defeated”, la notice :

  • Looting and spoliations

Contact: labexguerres@gmail.com

Research focus 6 – A gendered history of Europe

For the thematic group “Prostitution (nineteenth-twenty- first centuries): From the trafficking of white women to the trafficking of human beings,” the entry:

  • “Colonial prostitution”

For the thematic group “Gender and circulations in Europe,” the entry:

  • “The gender of migrations in the European Union (from the Maastricht Treaty to the present)”

For the thematic group “Earning a living in Europe, a matter of gender,” the entry:

  • “Gender and the rural world”

Contact: genreeurope@gmail.com

Proposal submissions:

Those interested are invited to contact the editorial managers for the proposed entries with an 80-word summary of the entry’s primary elements, emphasizing the European dimension of the subject and its relevance for a new history of Europe.

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